Building temporal relations on-line

Silvia Gennari
University of Maryland

How are temporal interpretations built during sentence processing? Previous research has shown that interpreters quickly establish temporal relations with discourse events when encountering tensed-verbs [1]. In this paper, I investigate how properties of the event structure denoted by verbs determine the temporal interpretation being built.

Two verb types are often distinguished [2, 3, 4]: Stative verbs denote facts that tend to persist in time and lack causal structure (e.g., being-German). Eventive verbs denote complex changes that are temporally bounded by their cause-effect relations (e.g., building a house). These properties determine the temporal relations that events and states establish in discourse [5, 6, 7]: While eventive sentences are sequentially interpreted relative previous events (e.g., the building
precedes Bill's saying in (2)), stative sentences typically imply overlap with them (e.g., being sick overlaps with Bill's saying in (1), although it could precede Bill's saying also).

(1) Bill said yesterday that [Hillary was sick]
(2) Bill said yesterday that [Hillary built a house]

Experiment 1 tested whether stative sentences are preferably interpreted as overlapping the matrix event in (1). In an off-line study (25 subjects, 16 items, 30 fillers), speakers judged whether a target sentence (either consistent or inconsistent with temporal overlap) was true relative to the information previously provided, as in (3).

(3) Information: Bill said yesterday that Hillary was sick.
Target: Hillary was sick yesterday/Hillary was not sick yesterday.

The mean proportion of responses consistent with overlapping interpretations was .80 for stative sentences versus .20 for eventive ones (p=.0001). The overlapping interpretation is available and preferred for states, but not events.

Experiment 2 investigated whether the overlapping interpretation is built on-line, rather than inferred afterwards. If an overlapping temporal relation with previous events is established when "was-sick" is integrated (as in [1]), then later temporal information inconsistent with the already established overlapping relation should take longer to process than consistent information. A revision of the initially established relation would occur.

(4) Bill said yesterday that Hillary was sick this week/last week....

To test this hypothesis, a self-paced reading experiment was conducted with 20 items like (4), 30 subjects, 100 fillers. Items were counterbalanced by temporal distance from the main event and frequency-matched. Mean reading time for overlapping phrases (this week) was shorter than that for non-overlapping ones (last week) (p= .01). Thus, an overlapping relation with the main event is already established at the verb-phrase.

These findings elucidate contextual and semantic constraints acting during processing. Lexical event structure is fully integrated with previous temporal information in real time.

References

[1] Trueswell & Tanenhaus, 1991, "Tense, Temporal Context, and Syntactic Ambiguity Resolution", Language and Cognitive Processes, 6(4), 303-338.

[2] Dowty, D. 1979 Word Meaning and Montague Grammar, Reidel, Dordrecht.

[3] Krifka, M. 1989 "Nominal reference, Temporal Constitution & Quantification in event semantics", in Bartsch et al., Semantics and Contextual Expressions, Foris.

[4] Verkuyl, H. 1989, "Aspectual classes and aspectual composition", Linguistics and Philosophy, 12,39-94.

[5] Kamp, H. & Reyle, U. 1993. "From Discourse to Logic: Introduction to Model theoretic Semantics of Natural Language, Formal Logic and Discourse Representation Theory", Dordrecht: Reidel.

[6] Dowty, D. 1986. "The effects of aspectual class on the temporal structure of discourse: semantics or pragmatics?'', Linguistics & Philosophy 9, pp. 37-61.

[7] Gennari, S. 1999, "Tense, Aktionsart and Sequence of Tense" in Corblin F., Dobrovie-Sorin C., and Marandin J. (eds.) Empirical issues in formal syntax and semantics, vol. II, Berne: Peter Lang.